Earlier still, at the age of 19, he became one of the youngest
people in history to have attained a full four-year Bachelor’s
of Science degree (16 years of schooling), and the youngest
at his alma mater—The Florida Institute of Technology
(the finest university in the world for his area of study:
Aerospace Sciences). Later, graduating with high honours,
he acquired a Master’s degree in Business Administration
by completing the full two-year curriculum in a world record
11 months.
MTK
is thought of in learned circles the world over as an “intellectual
giant,” and least of all for his formal academic qualifications.
Of his reputation as an intellectual, he stated in an interview
a few years ago, “[That] it is a direct outcome of
my conscious efforts to expose myself to as many facets
of life that the human race has deemed most important to
indulge in.” Meaning, that he does not believe in
narrow specializations alone, and according to him, his
real accomplishment is the amount of quality contemplative
reading, learning, and retaining that he has managed.
Whatever
his past accomplishments may reflect, MTK distinctly articulates
that his real passions are and always have been politics
and philosophy, and that striving for excellence in these
two areas has always been his well-defined objectives for
educating himself. With all the incomparable formal academic
excellence that he has attained, MTK intolerably dismisses
all decrees and degrees as any indication of superior intellectual
ability. He says that degrees are not only meaningless,
but are in-fact counter-productive when it comes to all
those people that will bring about great change. “Even
in such highly formalized fields like medicine, there is
a preponderance of evidence of unschooled prodigies á
la Leonardo da Vinci. In other words, I have never let my
schooling affect my education. The entire use of my degrees
so far has been so that my honourable mother can claim her
son to be educated.”
MTK further clarified his position on the methods of learning
and discovery: “A great memory alone means nothing.
It is only a tool, albeit the most consequential tool required.
But great powers of retention, united with immeasurable
periods of contemplative learning, multiplied with the concentrated
desire to produce great and consequential results—now
that—could lead to something.”
The
VOICE: Before we talk about the future of Pakistani
politics and your future in Pakistani politics, let us discuss
your past. For politicians in Pakistan, it still is and
almost always has been important to have a strong family
background. What is your family background?
MTK:
I am a Pathan, a Gandapur, both from my father and mother’s
sides. My father is a renowned physician (Mohammad Tariq
Khan) who was in the Army, and both my paternal grandfather
(Abdullah Jan Khan) and maternal grandfather (Aman Ullah
Khan) were exemplary lawyers educated at the Aligarh Muslim
University. My paternal great grandfather (Mohammad Zafar
Khan) was a Sessions Judge who settled us in Bannu in the
1920s. My maternal great grandfather (Ata Ullah Khan) was
also a lawyer educated at Aligarh, and whom many believe
was the very first man to conceive a straight separation
and a free Muslim Pakistan.
This
is a part of our history that has so far eluded the general
public, but the relevant historians will confirm this fact.
Ata Ullah Khan was a profound thinker who expressed his
ideas through Persian poetry in the great tradition of Attar,
Rumi, Hafiz, Saadi, and Allama Iqbal. His entire writings
revolve around the themes of Islam, nationalism and patriotism.
Persian
scholars hail him as a legend, and Iftikhar Arif—when
Chairman of the National Language Authority of Pakistan—single-mindedly
announced to me, and I quote, that: “Ata was the greatest
Persian poet of the 20th Century.” He said this well
aware of the obvious fact that Iqbal too, was a Persian
poet of the 20th Century. And then such a shame that neither
him (Iftikhar Arif) nor any of his myriad fellow bureaucratic
pseudo-literati have ever arranged for translations of Ata’s
oeuvre into Urdu or English; or at the least have been nondiscriminatory
and unbiased enough to show as much as a verse to remote
Persian scholars á la Annemarie Schimmel—who
rely upon such spokespersons and the like to honestly cull
out the paramount of whom they represent as their paid-for
duties. By his (Iftikhar Arif's) own confession—his,
now in contrast: inferior works—she and infinite others,
were and are ad nauseam being stuffed with.
As
to his role in Pakistan’s creation—in 1923,
seven years before Allama Iqbal did the same in 1930—an
official inquiry headed by a Sir Denis Brey heard the testimony
of a Sardar Gul Khan Gandapur, the president of the Islamic
Anjuman of Dera Ismail Khan and the spokesperson chosen
by many because of his stature in the community. In his
presence, my great grandfather being younger asked his close
companion Sardar Gul Khan to convey his idea of giving the
Hindus the portion from Raskumari to Agra and the Mohammedans
the portion from Agra to Peshawar. In clear words, he suggested
an exchange, a trans-migration between these areas.
In
the years that followed, my great grandfather was occupied
raising a large family, finding only time to find expression
for his ideas and philosophies in his writings.
Are
you trying to claim the very conception of Pakistan as your
family background?
I
am not trying to claim it—I am claiming it. The Brey’s
Committee Report claims it so. Former Prime Minister Chaudhri
Muhammad Ali claims it so in his book The Emergence
of Pakistan. Former President Ghulam Ishaq Khan, who
happened to do his law apprenticeship directly under my
great grandfather, claimed it so in a speech while still
the President. And Quaid-i-Azam himself agreed with my great
grandfather after he recounted to our Quaid the factors
that he believed had brought about the conception of Pakistan.
Our Quaid’s exact words to Ata Ullah Khan were: “I
agree with you.”
My
only regret is, if only his efforts, our Quaid’s efforts,
and the efforts of all others towards the independence of
our nation had been fruitful.
But
their efforts did actualize. Did we not achieve independence
in 1947?
If
it were only so. I believe we have still not achieved our
independence. We would be in a state of independence only
if we are not affiliated with any larger controlling bodies,
if we do not rely or require someone else, if we are not
easily influenced, you notice I used the word ‘easily,’
if we can and do refuse and dislike looking to others for
help. Keep in mind that this is not a utopian view of a
manner in which a country should govern itself, especially
for an Islamic country whose leaders have as their primary
source of guidance, the Holy Qur’an and Sunnah. Our
heads of states have the IMF, the World Bank, and the U.S.
as their sources of guidance.
All
said and done, what factors in your mind would then bring
us this national independence?
One factor alone: the strength and ability in our leaders
to make our own independent decisions—right or wrong.
I do not want to get into a discussion about the current
conundrum of Afghanistan, but taking an example from it,
we have been terrorized to concur with Musharraf because
he says it was the only ‘wise’ decision to make.
What would be wise for us in the mid- to long-term would
not be acceptable to others, especially dominating governments
such as the U.S., as by default—it would not be good
nor wise for them.
What
do you envision as the driving factors in the future of
Pakistani politics and the success or failures of Pakistani
leaders in it?
The
potency in our leaders to think independently. Indulge me
a moment while I impart an evaluation. At the peak of the
British Raj in the sub-continent, only 10% of the administrative
force was British, 90% of it was comprised of us locals.
They never recruited captains, majors, or colonels into
their army from amongst us. Rather, they recruited Naiks,
Havaldars, and Subaidars. They put into service these ranks
like the collars on a dog. One dog was called a Naik, another
Havaldar, and a third a Subaidar. Their most ferocious dog
was a Subaidar Major as he took orders from the British
and endured them out on his fellow locals. A Naik or Havaldar
merely took orders from one of his own kind and administered
it downwards. Now we would hope that after more than 50
years of independence—the Chiefs of Army Staff, the
Presidents, and the Prime Ministers of our country would
take orders from our own kind, meaning simply the hopes
and aspirations of our own people, and dispense them through
their interactions with other countries and organizations.
But instead, our leaders have always and without fail, taken
orders from the IMF, the World Bank, and the U.S. and others,
and administered them to us. There is, and never has been
any difference betwixt our leaders and the Subaidar Majors
of the times when we were brutally ruled by the British.
And that—is the dilemma of our so-called ‘Independence.’
It
is well known in certain circles that you aspire to lead
our country one day. How soon do you foresee making the
rumors official?
To
use your word, ‘soon.’ Accordingly,
‘soon’ is defined in the dictionary as “promptly,
quickly, and before long.”